There are many Canadians who see into and through the pretensions of the American empire, yet many fail to see how dissidents from within the empire can and do perpetuate its ideological underpinnings. Chomsky was asked to give the CBC Massey Lectures in 1988 on the media. Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies told the tale, in five compact lectures and many a detailed appendix, on how and why the media works the way it does in our democratic societies. Many was the Canadian who bowed and tipped the hat at each and every world from the master. It was Canadians, yet again, who put together the first full length video on the varied life and activism of Chomsky. Manufacturing Consent was an instant hit and bumper crop seller to many who were, rightly so, longing to hear another voice other than from those of power, perks and privilege. There is no doubt that Chomsky has become the political guru and pope to many, and when he speaks (as he does often) his fans are silent and a hearty amen ends the sessions and seminars.
There is also no doubt that Chomsky gathers his followers from those who have a high sense of moral outrage about the way American foreign and domestic policy plays itself out. It is from such a clan that protest and advocacy politics is held high as a way of opposing and resisting a dishonest and oppressive state. Such a tribe tends to see the world of formal politics and party politics as beholden to corporate power, hence an ethos to be ever cynical and skeptical about. Such an ethos can do little or no good, and truth and justice can be best seen by the people who do the peace walks, do protest, write many an article on such power politics and work in advocacy and a variety of network groups. In short, so this fable goes, the world of high politics is riddled with the abuse and misuse of power, but the world of grass roots and people’s politics is the world of justice, equality, freedom and all that is good, true and beautiful.
Needless to say, this way of understanding how to both think and act politically tends to idealize and elevate the people and demonize and denigrate the state. Such a tradition tends to be both cynical and skeptical of formal party politics (democrats and republicans both eat at the pig’s trough of corporations) while pointing the way to a more decentralized and local way of bringing about the just, collegial and cooperative community. This either-or way of thinking and doing politics does need to be questioned, though. We might want to begin by asking, as Canadians, this rather simple question: what are the weaknesses and limitations of the anarchist way and what are the positive things the state has and does do? Needless to say, the misuse and abuse of power can appear in both the state and in anarchist cells and communities. Resistance and peace groups have a thick history of splitting, splintering and fragmenting in a variety of sad and sorry directions. It is this anarchist tradition of the left that sees itself as the pure St. George fighting the oppression dragon of the state that does need to be questioned. Is some form of utopian anarchism, in short, the best way to oppose globalization and corporate power? What role does the state have to play in resisting such a reality?
I mentioned above that there are many Canadians who see into and through the pretensions of the American empire yet fail to see how dissidents from within the empire can and do perpetuate its ideological underpinnings. There is little or no doubt that the USA was formed and forged on the anvil of liberty, individualism, conscience and equality. Happiness, within such a perspective, was meant to follow and flow from such a creed and dogma. It is from within such a tradition and heritage that the state is seen as a problem and should be seriously limited. Both the anarchist left and the libertarian right tend to share these perspectives at the level of principle. The intellectual foundation stones of the USA, the radical democratic tradition and anarchism are liberty, individualism, conscience and critical thinking. The building blocks of the Canadian way tend to be the common good, order and good government. When Canadians buy into the bow to the anarchist way (and those who embody and are disciples of it), they, interestingly enough, slip into a more subtle form of colonialism.
It is one thing to use moral outrage and protest politics as a means of exposing hypocrisy in high places. It is essential and important to state in the firmest, cleanest and clearest manner what a people do not want. It is quite another thing to organize and deliver, at a political level, what the people do want. It is much easier to deconstruct and expose than it is to create and bring into being the good society. We do need to question whether the anarchist approach can actually deliver the goods given the fragmented history of anarchism.
There are many ways Canadians can be colonized and taken captive by an imperial power. Some of these ways are crude and obvious. It does not take a great deal of thought and minimal observation to see the gap between rhetoric and reality in American thought and action. But, there are many other more subtle and nuanced ways colonialism can and does work. It is some of these more subtle ways we don need to ponder and not flinch from. When Canadians doff the cap and bow the head to individualism and liberty rather than the common good and order, are we not genuflecting to more subtle forms of American thought that this nation was founded on resisting and opposing? When we see the state as the source, centre and bastion of abusive power are we not buying into an American view of things?
The fact that many Canadians turn to Chomsky as their true north star should raise some eyebrows. The fact that Chomsky tends towards anarchist politics as the way bringing the good society into being should raise some questions for Canadians. The history of Canadian nationalism in Canada (whether in the Tory, Liberal, NDP or Maoist versions) tends to have a high regard for the state as a means to create the commonwealth from ocean to ocean.
Is the best way to resist, oppose and question the concentration of wealth in the media, military, party politics and corporation the anarchist way? Or, as Canadians, is not a strong and firm state the best way to oppose and stare down such obvious Goliaths? If, as Canadians, we hope to create and build a strong, just and affordable health care, educational, cultural, economic and political system to act as a counter to the USA, do we not need the counter weight of Ottawa to do so? The fact that anarchists are so cynical of the state (and the power embodied in it) means that the very vehicle and ship that could take us to the other shore is dismissed and not boarded.
When Canadians, therefore, turn to American anarchists (and there are many—Chomsky is just one of the better known), are they not being colonized in a more subtle and insidious way and manner? Dare we say that there just be a Canadian colonial and comprador class that under the guise of opposing power reinforces the very power they oppose by refusing to become involved in the formal political means that could oppose it?
Thomas More (aka Thomas Moore) wrote a fine missive in the 16th century. The tract for the times was called Utopia. Book 1 of Utopia probes and questions the nature of utopian idealism. The dialogue between More and Raphael is most instructive in this regards. Raphael had been to the new world and had come back with glowing reports. It was a paradise, so he reported, in which each and all shared the goods of the land. All were justly tended and cared for in a compassionate political system. Raphael returned from such an inspiring place to tell More of his find. More was most impressed. More was, like Raphael, irritated and vexed by all the injustices in England’s fair and pleasant land. More was also the foreign minister and minister of finance, so he was in a position to bring some changes. More was also a lawyer of some note and significance. More asked Raphael if he would join him in reforming England and making her as she should be. It is at this point in the discussion that Raphael begins to trot out all sorts of reasons and excuses for not getting involved in the formal political process. Raphael was, in short, so cynical of the state and its ability to deliver that he turned his back on it. More, unlike Raphael, realized probably much more than Raphael, the imperfections of the state, and yet he worked within it to bring about the common good, and there was much good he brought about before his execution. More was a tamed cynic who believed the state could deliver justice, and he worked within it. Raphael was cynical of the state and turned his back on it. Both men had a vision and shared such a utopian and idealistic vision. More thought that the state could deliver imperfect justice, whereas Raphael thought the state could never do such a thing. Anglo-Canadian nationalism tends to be grounded in the tradition of More. Anglo-American anarchism tends to have much affinity with Raphael.
We do need to ponder and answer, as Canadians, this rather simple and elementary question. Who are the Canadians that have thought through the nature of American imperialism in the same way Chomsky has and does? And, more importantly, who are the Canadians who have offered and do offer a more creative and political answer to injustice and globalization other than moral outrage, protest, anarchism and advocacy and network politics? There is a steady and solid nationalist tradition within Canada that we do need to turn our ear to if we ever hope to step out of going round and round with the same simple and reductionistic formulas and answers. Is not this turning to someone who knows little about Canada just not another way of turning to the imperial centre for out great and good place under the sun?
The stark contrast between the state and society (the former often denigrated and demonized, the latter elevated and idealized) was highlighted, in a visual form, in the recent "festschrift" for the beloved west coast anarchist, Jerry Zaslove. Anarcho-Modernism: Toward a New Critical Theory (2001) has on its cover pictures of both Stalin and an American Stealth bomber. If, of course, the state is viewed simply and only this way, anarchism has a point to make. But, there is much more to the state (in a positive way) and society (it does have its dark and negative side) than this. It is significant to note the Chomsky has published most of his books in Canada through one of the leading anarchist presses in Canada (Black Ross Press). We need also ponder why Naomi Klein’s No Logo was so popular a couple of years ago. The book, rightly so, asked some good and hard questions about the negative nature of globalization, but when serious questions are asked about how such a process can be challenged, Klein tends to have little to say about the role of the state and formal party politics. In short, Raphael tends, amongst such people, to trump More.
George Woodcock was, for many Canadians, a hero of sorts. Woodcock waved high the banner of anarchism, yet, like most establishment anarchists, he was quite willing to take money from the federal government for his many writing projects. Anarchists tend to question the role of the state, yet it is often the very largesse and generosity of the state that underwrites and pays for all their educational and publishing ventures. Such inconsistencies do need to be faced in all honesty.
Is the state, de facto, unable to be just and bring about the common good? Is the state so riddled through with negative power it can never be trusted? This tends to be the position of the anarchist left and the libertarian right. It also tends, in some important ways, to be the position of our new republican party in Canada (the Conservative party). Is society the best means to bring about the common good? What are the limitations of society and small decentralized groups in bringing about such a good? Power (its use and abuse) can be found at all levels of human and political life, and it does little good to project the misuse of power onto the state and locate the proper use of power to society. If only life was so simple? Those who have taken the smallest and shortest steps in life know only too well how power can be both abused and used well in both the state and society.
In conclusion, Canadians must we wary and aware about the more subtle ways we can be and are often colonized. There is a thoughtful anarchist comprador class in Canada that, rightly so, warns us about the dangers of American imperialism at one level, but, at another level, walks us into the very centre of the American web. It is our historical Canadian nationalist tradition that can keep the True North on guard both against the American military industrial complex and, equally important, an American ideology that priorizes liberty and individualism against the Canadian heritage of the commonweal and good government. More or Raphael, Raphael or More? Nationalism or anarchism, anarchism or nationalism? Which shall we chose and why? The road taken will take us, when day is done, to very different places.
But we must remember that even the dissidents can speak as members of the empire.
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Ron Dart teaches in the political science/philosophy/religious studies department at University College of the Fraser Valley (UCFV) in Abbotsford, BC. Ron is the political science advisor to the Stephen Leacock museum, and the author of The Red Tory Tradition: Ancient Roots, New Routes (1999). The Canadian High Tory Tradition will be published this summer.
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Want to know more about Chomsky and what he stands for? If you're interested in hearing the man speak for himself Vive offers an mp3 of his speech in Vancouver at the International Day of Action events, March 20, 2004. Visit: Hear Noam Chomsky's Vancouver Speech (Mar 20)
Note: Hear Noam Chomsky's Van...
I hold this article up as a much needed wake up call and standard to the many, like myself, younger bewildered Canadian's who have lost touch with what it is to really be a Canadian. It is more than drinking beer, hockey, and saying 'EH!?' at the end of every sentence.
Many Canadian's have also felt this 'loss of self' and as a result have wondered feeling like a diasporic people. Many latched onto Chomsky as something that is real, truthful and solid. While it is true that he exposses the truth in a wonderful and thoughtful manner - we must stop to consider as Ron points out - to what end do his words lead? Truly his path is not the high Tory path this country was founded on many years ago.
The old ways are now muddied and unclear ('thanks much' to the likes of Mulroney) - but how long can rolling waters remain unpure? To me this article is a step in the right direction to the unpolluting of "true" canadian conservative thinking. We have to keep moving and at the same time remember the traditions and underlying philosophical roots that made us who we are today.
Ron, thanks for lifting our sights above the secular American smog that pollutes our country and for lifting, at least partially, the amnesia that rests upon many young Canadian minds. Even a pin prick of light is welcome in a dark world!
Kevin
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"So many right-wing Christians, so few lions." - t-shirt I saw @ school
Last Ontario provincial election, I was faced with the choice of voting for the Conservatives, Liberals, NDp or Greens. I ruled out the Cons at the start, as I'm young and have been screwed by them, and luckily didn't succumb to McGuinty's propaganda.........so it came down to the NDP or the Greens. Realistically, only the NDP had any serious shot at party status under F.P.the.P, but that's not why I ended up voting for Howard Hampton's NDP. It's also not because Hampton is a man of integrity who I respect........
THIS IS WHY I VOTED NDP: The NDP believed in PUBLIC POWER, the Greens didn't. WHY? Well, the conservatives claimed energy DE-regulation would lower prices. They were lying. The Greens (rightly) claimed it would increase prices, and THOUGHT THAT WOULD BE A GOOD THING. THEY THOUGHT WE SHOULD CREATE AN INDIVIDUALIST POWER SUPPLY, WHERE PEOPLE CAN'T AFFORD MUCH ENERGY, AND MUST FEND FOR THEMSELVES. THEY THOUGHT IF WE USED SMALL AMOUNTS OF "GREEN" POWER, WE WOULD HAVE SALVATION. NEVER MIND THAT INDUSTRY WOULD DIE, AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPROVEMENTS WOULD BE OFFSET BY THE RELIANCE ON GASOLINE-GENERATORS AND THE TOXIC PROCESS NEEDED TO PRODUCE BATTERIES FOR SOLAR CELLS. THE GREEN PARTY ALSO DIDN'T TAKE ITSELF SERIOUSLY. THEY CALLED THEMSELVES AN "IDEOLOGICAL" PARTY, AND ADMITTED THEY HAD NO CHANCE OF WINNING. TALK ABOUT A SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY.
MY above example was telling. The green party was so stupid, they wanted the same thing the neo-con Ernie Eves crowd wanted: de-regulation. The fools. A bunch of dumb eco-nuts, no doubt. The NDP isn't actually like this, the Ontario greens ARE. I like many of their policies, but the energy policy was sick.
***Apparently, the federal Green Party is now debating this very topic. They have a better money-policy now, and their leader is a former PCer from back in the 80s, who considers himself a red-tory. They are also the most democratic party in Canada, and though they won't make much of a difference until P.R., they could win a seat in BC. Go figure.
As I was reading I knew the other shoe was going to drop. I understand what Ron is getting at although I don't know if I would have recognized it without him pointing it out in this way.
In my mind, the more Canada has become integrated into the U.S., the Canadians that feel helpless to do anything about it, have heard Chomsky's recognition of our dillema and maybe feel he's someone that can influence the way in which the U.S. treats us and can maybe make a differnce. It feels like we're drowning and he's a hopeful lifeline. In this way it could be seen as us looking to Chomsky as a savior. More than anything I believe we're looking for allies in our war against U.S. terror.
I had never heard of Noam Chomsky until I became active in the anti-war movement post 9/11. I would have to say that my character is one who rebels against authority. Too many times in my life I've been told things have been for my own good. No one knows better than I what is for my own good. Sorry, but no. But, I am not against order. I understand justice but I don't necessarily believe in lots of laws to MAKE things just.
More than anything I believe people need to be responsible for their own lives. Own your shit and learn from it.
However, it seems to me that he is trying to say something more. Something along the lines of "the public good can not be promoted with a weakened state."
But if one reads enough Chomsky, several themes become apparent. One is, how do you square what seem like the conflicting goals of social justice and individual freedom?
Simply put, Chomsky sees no contradiction between trying to make things better(more humane)in the short run, even by maintaining or even increasing state power that is only partially and imperfectly under democratic control,and trying to conceptualize and work towards a real and meaningful democracy based on anarchist principles.
Here are two examples of many where Chomsky says things that some people (libertarians of North America) completely disagree with because they see them as too pro-state.
"The greatest threat to democracy right now is the transfer of decision making into the hands of unaccountable private power. It's done by a lot of ways, but one of them is what they call "minimizing the state." This is kind of paradoxical for me. I'm an old-time anarchist from way back. I don't think the federal government is a legitimate institution. I think it ought to be dismantled, in principle; just as I don't think there ought to be cages -- I don't think people ought to live in cages. On the other hand, if I'm in a cage and there's a saber tooth tiger outside, I'd be happy to keep the bars of the cage in place -- even though I think the cage is illegitimate. I think that image is not inappropriate. There are plenty of good arguments, in my opinion, against centralized government authority. On the other hand, there's a much worse danger right outside. The centralized government authority is at least to some extent under popular influence, and in principle at least under popular control. The unaccountable private power outside is under no public control. What they call minimizing the state -- transferring the decision making to unaccountable private interests -- is not helpful to human beings or to democracy or, for that matter, to the markets. In this time when we are told there is "a triumph of the market," the markets are threatened themselves, aren't they? What's developing is a kind of corporate mercantilism with huge centralized, more or less command economies, integrated with one another, closely tied to state power -- relying very heavily on state power, in fact -- and enforcing social policies and a conception of social and political order that happen to be highly beneficial to the interests of the top sectors of the population, the richest sectors."
(Noam Chomsky in an interview in the Capital Times, March 3, 1997)
"The US has always been ambivalent about European unification. It has obvious advantages for US economic and strategic power, but there has always been concern that Europe might move towards an independent course. Furthermore, the social market system in Europe has always been regarded as a threat, rather in the way that Canada's health care system has been feared: these are "viruses" that might "infect" the US population, to borrow the terminology of US planners when they moved to crush independent social and economic development throughout the third world. These concerns have motivated US policies towards Europe (and Japan, and elsewhere) since World War II, constantly taking new forms. They were, for example, expressed by Henry Kissinger in his "Year of Europe" address in 1973, when he instructed Europe that it had only "regional responsibilities" within an "overall framework of order" managed by the US government. NATO was conceived, in part, as a way to ensure US control over Europe -- not without support from sectors of European elites, who despise the social market system, and fear European independence, for much the same reasons as their counterparts here. The US is strongly in favor of the accession of the Eastern European countries to the European Union for these reasons. Washington expects to have enough control over them so that they will dilute tendencies towards independence in Europe. And there is quite unconcealed exultation that their reservoir of cheap and easily exploited labor will undermine the European welfare state and the rights of working people, and will drive Europe to the US model of low wages, high workload, limited benefits and job security, high concentration of wealth -- and general economic performance pretty similar to Europe's by most measures. And that has obvious appeal to the corporate sector in Europe as well."
Noam Chomsky interviewed by Cynthia Peters
ZNet, March 9, 2003:
In short, Chomsky thinks that to dismantle the state without having anything else to put in its place is brutal and destructive to vulnerable people.
A crucial point is Chomsky's belief in popular support and involvement in making life better RIGHT NOW.
That he can simultaneously strive for a system of human organization that would not depend on state power and the sacrifices of freedom that a powerful state extracts is not contradictory, but to me anyway, just logical.
A question for Ron Dart:
How did we get national public healthcare in this country? Do you think that our public health system was implemented from above by men concerned about public order and the common good? That their superiority and benevolence lead them down the path of the right and good?
What role did "popular pressure" play? Without a public demanding healthcare do you think that the highminded would just put it in out of the goodness of their hearts because they were driven by high-mindedness?
Without public demands, the public should expect nothing but whatever might come its way incidentally. In other words, it might make sense that private capital wants its workforce healthy in order to maximize productivity, and therefore might want public health due to its efficiencies, but the public benefit is then only a byproduct of their interests and tactics and not rooted in democratic control.
And when their tactics change, like when they globalize production through so called trade deals, these incidental benefits can disappear. And the less activism and defense the public puts up, the more unstable the benefit surely becomes.
Another thing. I think you take this "comprador" thing a little too far in this instance, while other things you have written about this make sense.
Here, you have provided no evidence to put Chomsky, or "American dissidents that are popular in Canada" if I'm to understand your inclusion of Naomi Klein in your article, in this "comprador" group.
I do commend you for taking on those who, in my opinion, selectively read Chomsky and then refuse to partake in our electoral politics out of some misguided sense of remaining pure.
But to engage in electoral politics without some recognition of its limits for lasting change, or too put your faith in leadership or individuals to bring about justice, is just foolish.
Robert Kraljii
Klein uses American spelling in all her books, to appease U.S. publishers, and proposes few solutions, other than decrying privatization, yudda, yudda. I, personally, can't stand her anymore. She's so forthright, with such a limited knowledge of history.....
She is basically politics for idiots, as bright as she is.
Electoral politics DID bring us lasting change in the form of universal health care, and confederation of all things. Also, the CBC, bank of Canada, ..... Your pessimism is bizarre.
I wouldn't want to live in a couuntry with no government authority. If that's what you want, try Somalia. No taxes, and NO government! Woo-hoo!
L.K. Samuels
I feel that as a Canadian anarchist I should throw a couple of ideas into this thread.
Firstly, anarchism and anarchists are concerned with the common good. Anarchists like Chomsky, Woodcock, and others coming from the leftist tradition in anarchism (Bakunin, Kropotkin, Goldman, Rocker....) should be regarded as libertarian socialists. That is, taking individual liberty from Enlightenment liberalism with social equality from the socialists. Anarchism balances liberty with equality through decentralized political organizations and worker controlled economic arrangements; federated through networks of councils. Anarchists differ with rightist "libertarians" with the role that private property and the market should or shouldn't play in society.
The anarchist distrust of the state is informed by attempts to "legislate" liberty or equality (USSR), reduce humans to numbers and functions (fascism, technocracy), but also the negative social consequences of hierarchical, top-down political arrangements. Anarchist Rudolf Rocker in "Nationalism and Culture", perhaps the most overlooked book in all of the social sciences, points out how culture thrives where the state is the weakest. Look at Renaissance Italy or ancient Greece. Murray Bookchin in his various works on social ecology describes how domination of human over human translates into domination of human over nature.
Secondly, I would argue that the failure of the classic anarchist movement resulted from external forces, often totalitarian, not from internal splits and sectarianism. In the beginning of the 20th century, anarchism represented a significant mass movement and the bulk of the revolutionary left, communists of the time organized themselves in de facto social democratic movements. Many of the areas of the world where anarchism thrived, places like Spain (up to 1939), Russia (up to 1921), Italy (defeated by Mussolini), Germany (defeated by the rise of fascism), United States (McCarthyism) etc. etc. Unfortunately, the rise of Bolshevism after 1917 helped to push rank and file anarchists into the authoritarian camp.
Thirdly, interestingly enough, many of the most active and successful libertarian experiments lately have come from the Global South and from people resisting colonialism. Look at the Zapatistas in Chiapas Mexico, the Landless Peasansts Movements in Brazil and elsewhere in South America, the worker controlled industries and neighbourhood assemblies in Argentina.
After thinking about this article for a couple of days I came to realize that there's a reverse anarchy taking place. The governments are not listening to OUR authority. So is a dictatorship a form of anarchy?