Seven Pillars Of Jewish Denial

Posted on Wednesday, December 01 at 18:00 by Milton

We used to ride down to our orchards on kibbutz trucks with Arab workers from the neighboring villages and were occasionally invited to visit. We liked sitting on a rug on a dirt floor, eating food cooked over an open fire, drinking water from the village well. Above all, we loved the kerosene lamps that were lit and set in a half circle around us as it grew dark. But walking home it occurred to me that our kibbutz had running water, electricity, modern stoves. Our neighbors were gracious, generous, and friendly, although I had learned by then that the land the kibbutz occupied had once belonged to them. We were living on land that was once theirs, under material conditions they could not hope to equal. I found this troubling.

The path from this troubled awareness to my later ability to be critical of Israel has been long and complex. Over the years I have spoken with other Jews who have traveled this same path, and to many more who haven't. In each of us I have detected mental obstacles that make it hard, sometimes impossible, for us to see what is there before our eyes. Our inability to engage in critical thought about our troubled homeland is entangled by crucial questions about Jewish identity. Why do American Jews find it difficult to be critical of Israel? Here, set out in linear form, are seven obstacles to a Jew's ability to be critical of Israel. Seven Obstacles:

  • 1. A conviction that Jews are always in danger, always have been, and therefore are in danger now. Which leads to:
  • 2. The insistence that a criticism is an attack and will lead to our destruction. Which is rooted in:
  • 3. The supposition that any negativity towards Jews (or Israel) is a sign of anti-Semitism and will (again, inevitably) lead to our destruction. Which is enhanced by:
  • 4. Survivor's guilt. Which contains within itself:
  • 5. A hidden belief that we can change the past. Which holds:
  • 6. An even more hidden belief that a sufficient amount of suffering confers the right to violence. Which finally brings us to:
  • 7. The conviction that our beliefs, our ideology (or theology), matter more than the lives of other human beings.

  • Obstacles 1–3: Conviction

    The first three obstacles reveal a cluster of convictions about Jewish endangerment which tend to reinforce one another in insidious ways. We can trace the development of this consciousness. It goes something like this: We keep a watchful eye out, we read the signs, we detect innuendo, we summon evidence, we become, as we imagine it, the ever-vigilant guardians of our people's survival. Endangered as we imagine ourselves to be; endangered as we insist we are, any negativity, criticism, or reproach, even from one of our own, takes on exaggerated dimensions; we come to perceive such criticism as a life-threatening attack.

    The path to fear is clear. But our proclivity for this perception is itself one of our unrecognized dangers. Bit by bit, as we gather evidence to establish our perilous position in the world, we are brought to a selective perception of that world. With our attention focused on ourselves as the endangered species, it seems to follow that we ourselves can do no harm. We are so busy warding off danger we become unaware that we endanger others. We fill up, we occupy, all the endangerment-space. When other people clamor for a portion we believe they are trying to deny us our right to this ground. At its most vehement, our sense of ever-impending Jewish peril brings down on us a willed ignorance, an almost perfect blindness, to the endangerment of others and to the role we might play in it.

    When I lived in Israel I practiced selective perception. I was elated by our little kibbutz on the Lebanese border until I recognized that we were living on land that had belonged to our Arab neighbors. When I didn't ask how we had come to acquire that land, I practiced blindness. Long before I went to Israel, my mother would bring out a rolled up poster of a Palestinian youth. Without saying a word, she would unroll it and hold it up. It showed a very young man lying in the road in a pool of his own blood. This image had caused a major family breakdown when she showed it to her brother, who stormed out without saying goodbye and didn't speak to her again for years. On another occasion, there was an even more violent scene with the father of an old high school friend of mine. My mother unrolled the poster, he jumped up from the couch, raised his fist at her, and stormed from the room. Before slamming the door behind him, he shouted back: "This time, Rose, you've gone too far. Next thing, you'll be calling Israeli soldiers…." Here he caught himself, but couldn't hold back. "You'll be calling Jewish people who defend their lives…." Another break, and then, finally, the unthinkable word: "You'll be calling us fascists."

    Slam. My friend and I looked at my mother in shock, amazed to find her silent and unperturbed. Between us, between my mother and myself, I was the one still practicing blindness. Where my mother saw martyrdom, victimization, tragedy in the image of the fallen youth, I saw a dangerous enemy stopped short in his effort to destroy our people. My friend's father, who lived in constant dread of Jewish annihilation, may have seen a necessary vengeance, an image of justice. I don't know what my friend saw. I drove her home in silence and we never met up with one another again. My mother, for her part, never said a word. When I stared at her she merely narrowed her eyes and looked back with an expression that implied: "Am I afraid of a word? Am I going to let a word keep me from seeing?"

    The fixed certainty of impending Jewish destruction. Wherever we look, we see nothing but its confirmation, the same old story, always about to happen. In the grip of this persuasion, any other possibilities of meaning are swept away; we are unable to imagine things, even for a split second, from another's point of view. It took me years to overcome this blindness. My thoughts would return to the scene in my mother's living room; I would pore over the image, the outrage, the silence. One day, during an enormous inner struggle, most of what I believed about most of what mattered most to me fell apart. (Buber refers to such an event as "an elemental reversal, a crisis and a shock.…") Years of images and impressions I had kept at one remove came resoundingly together. I saw what my mother had seen: A boy gunned down by a superior military force; a very young man fighting for the survival of his people, who were far more endangered than ours.

    Wherever we look, we see nothing but impending Jewish destruction. To see a people far more endangered than ours: step one in the dismantling of blindness.

  • Obstacles 4–5: Survivor's guilt

    Guilt goes something like this: I was walking across the beautiful square in Nuremburg a couple of years ago and stopped to read a public sign. It told this story: During the Middle Ages, the town governing body, wishing to clear space for a square, burned out, burned down, and burned up the Jews who had formerly filled up the space. End of story. After that, I felt very uneasy walking through the square and I eventually stopped doing it.

    I felt endangered, of course, a woman going about through Germany wearing a star of David. But more than that, I experienced a conspicuous and dreadful self-reproach at being so alive, so happily on vacation, now that I had come to think about the murder of my people hundreds of years before. After reading that plaque I stopped enjoying myself and began to look for other signs and traces of the mistreatment of the former Jewish community. If I had stayed longer in Nuremburg, if I had gone further in this direction, I might soon have come to believe that I, personally, and my people, currently, were threatened by the contemporary Germans eating ice cream in outdoor cafés in the square. How much more potent this tendency for alarm must be in the Middle East, in the middle of a war zone!

    What was the reasoning underlying my fear? If we live in a world as dangerous to us as the Holocaust was to our people, we can be that much closer to the victims of the Holocaust, we can know their apprehension and terror; perhaps we may even succeed in taking their suffering upon ourselves. No one holds these beliefs knowingly. But they hold on to us: in a tragically paradoxical way, our guilt brings us to magnify our vulnerability. It seems that no victory on the Israeli side, no crushing of the perceived enemy, no destruction of their wells or complete dismantling of their infrastructure, can change our fear that they will defeat us or alter this perception of ever-present danger.

    We will not let it happen again. But this claim, which seems to point exclusively into the future, is also yoked to our inability to accept the past. By keeping the past alive, by living it all over again, we attempt to alter it. Hidden within the militant "never again," is the anguished, impossible cry: "It will never have happened."

    There is a widespread assumption among our people that the vanished victims of the Holocaust would approve of what we do to make sure their fate cannot again befall the Jewish people. Is it fair, however, to assume that their suffering and death would hold no other meaning for them than a recourse to violence, vengeance, and paranoia?

    Some of our people, listening in on our ancestors' imagined, other-worldly discourse, hear only the endless repetition of the never again. I hear, not in my name.

    There is a new poster. It shows a single Palestinian woman facing a massive Israeli bulldozer. Looking at this image one immediately understands what Primo Levi (a survivor) meant when he claimed that the Palestinians are the Jews of the Middle East. Can we face the fact that we make use of the Holocaust as a way of refusing to see our own lamentable actions?

    I hate this idea. It is, I think, the harshest moral reproach I have ever directed against myself. I can just about tolerate the idea of a survivor guilt that exaggerates my sense of vulnerability and leads me to perceive danger and an enemy where there may be instead a suffering neighbor. Can I, (can we), really face the idea that we are using the six million, hiding behind them, importing our own meanings into their suffering and death, using their victimhood for propaganda? It took me a long time to face this charge; to recognize that some part of my ever-increasing concern with Holocaust victims, Holocaust books, and first-person Holocaust accounts, was serving as a cover up, distracting my gaze from a living struggle in which another people were enduring a victimization for which we Jews were responsible. For which we Jews are responsible.

    Arafat is not Hitler. The Palestinian terrorists are not the SS. We are no longer the victims. The world has changed, but Jewish identity has not kept up with it. If we lived in the present, we would have to acknowledge that the Jewish people of the twenty-first century are no longer the world's foremost endangered species. We would have to recognize that we, as a people, are ourselves capable of victimization.

    Seeing ourselves as ordinary people, not victims: Step two in the dismantling of blindness.

  • Obstacle 6. Suffering, Violence

    The Israeli army that defends our homeland behaves brutally, uses torture, fires upon innocent civilians. What justifies the behavior of this army? We call it self-defense but this is, I suggest, only the surface of our justification. Further down, tucked carefully away in our collective psyche, we find a sense of entitlement about our violence. Our historic suffering, as a people, entitles us to the violence of our current behavior. Our violence is not horrendous and cruel like the violence of other people, but is a justified, sacred violence, a holy war. Of course, we would not want to know this about ourselves—it would make us too much like the perceived enemy whose violence against us we are deploring. When the suicide bomber blows up a hotel full of Passover celebrants, we see clearly that this is an instance of hateful, unjustifiable violence. (And it is, it is.) When we destroy a refugee camp of impoverished Palestinians, this, in our eyes, is a violence purified by our history of persecution. (And it is not, it is not.) We are puzzled that much of the world doesn't see our situation in the same way.

    I think many of us hold this view of purified Jewish violence without being aware of it. Though we rarely admit it, the Torah is full of ancient stories marked by tribal violence done in the name of Jehovah. We know the story of Elijah wrangling with the prophets of Baal on Mt. Carmel. The prophet wins a clear victory for Jehovah over the Canaanite gods. We know, but don't make much of the fact as we retell the story, that after Elijah won the contest on Jehovah's behalf he took the prophets of Baal down to the brook Kishon and slew them there. All 450 of them. I have not heard of or read a midrash that elaborates this massacre.

    I recently wrote an article about the traces of Goddess worship in the Torah. When I cited this example of Elijah and prophets, my three editors, all intelligent and well-educated Jewish women, were uneasily eager to have me supply a footnote for this contentious assertion. They were as surprised as I initially had been to discover that the account of this violence was in the Torah itself. And yet they had certainly read Kings II. In a similar vein: We celebrate the military victories of Joshua. But do we really take in what they involved? "Joshua, and all Israel with him, went on up from Elon to Hebron. They attacked it, took it and struck it with the edge of the sword, with its king, all the places belonging to it and every living creature in it (my italics, Josh. 10:37)." I have yet to hear a rabbi help us imagine this event in which women and children, the very young and the very old, are put to the sword.

    Our sense of victimization as a people works in a dangerous and seditious way against our capacity to know, to recognize, to name and to remember. Since we have adopted ourselves as victims we cannot correctly read our own history let alone our present circumstances. Even where the story of our violence is set down in a sacred text that we pore over again and again, we cannot see it. Our self-election as the people most likely to be victimized obscures rather than clarifies our own tradition.

    I can't count the number of times I read the story of Joshua as a tale of our people coming into their rightful possession of their promised land without stopping to say to myself, "but this is a history of rape, plunder, slaughter, invasion and destruction of other peoples." As such, it bears an uncomfortably close resemblance to the behavior of Israeli settlers and the Israeli army of today, a behavior we also cannot see for what it is.

    We are tracing the serpentine path of our own psychology. We find it organized around a persuasion of victimization, which leads to a sense of entitlement to enact violence, which brings about an inevitable distortion in the way we perceive both our Jewish identity and the world, and involves us finally in a tricky relationship to language. That boy over there with the black face mask and a rock. That is a terrorist. That boy over here with a sub-machine gun, firing on the boy with the rock, he is a soldier.

    A trick of language? A highly dangerous trick. I was once persuaded to show up for rifle training when I lived on my kibbutz, although as an American citizen I wasn't required to attend. And whom did I imagine I would shoot? And kill? I, who cannot kill a moth? I never imagined it had to do with killing. Because of the language I used (I lift this rifle in defense of my beleaguered homeland) the training became a clean act, necessary, not even in need of justification.

    Accepting our own history of violence. Step three in the dismantling of blindness.

  • Obstacle 7. Ideology vs. Living People?

    Some American Jews will soon set out to join settlements on the West Bank or to volunteer for the Israeli army. Others are going to Ramallah to help the Palestinians, hoping that their presence there will make it harder to smash through the city with tanks, randomly killing civilians. Still others are talking about a peace brigade that will be established along the border, a human buffer zone between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

    Jewish identity, stretched out between these extremes, is up for grabs. At one extreme, the decision to further occupy the West Bank is guided by a sense of Jewish destiny and by an ideology that claims Judea and Samaria as Jewish sacred ground. These claims are based on archaic conversations with God. The Orthodox families moving to the settlements will set themselves down among a hostile population, will be trained to shoot, and will participate in the further partition of Palestinian lands. They will take up a great deal of the water when there is already not enough water for their neighbors, many of whom go for days without being able to wash or even drink. In service to an archaic idea these people will see their Arab neighbors, not as a humbled, battered, impoverished, hopeless people, but as a potent enemy living illegitimately on ancient Jewish land. In the grip of ideology some things get neglected. Living people, the present, the sanctity of civilian life become less important than what, exactly? An idea? The idea of the Jewish people as chosen by God, living out a covenant with Him?

    When I first went to Israel in 1971 I was on my way to a new kibbutz in the Golan Heights. It was a bleak, grim, heavily armed place with living conditions as rough as those faced by the early pioneers. There were no trees on this kibbutz, no gardens, no fields, no grazing animals. It was an armed camp made up of mud, reserve forces, and young Israelis who were there to hold the newly acquired land. I was convinced that I belonged with them, although I was not invited to stay. Today I want to ask that younger self What can it mean to be God's people if this election does not come with a concern for all living peoples? Would it mean that the God who once spoke to our people has nothing new to say?

    Our God is a God of many changes. The old warrior God who has had nothing new to say for thousands of years has been able, over time, to unfold aspects of Himself our Israelite ancestors would have found surprising. In talmudic thought the war-like, conquering diety evolves into a God of profound ethical concerns. He has revealed the Shechinah, his female, compassionate side, who comes to her children on the Sabbath and goes out with us into exile. She has, along the way, shown herself to be in love with a good story. She inspires midrashim, cherishing them as much as stories and teachings regarded as more sacred. She rejoices as women speak to her through their own prayers and rituals in settings that for too long excluded women. She is a God of perpetual unfolding; we, her people, inherit a tradition that asks for and imposes on us the work of continual renewal. Compassion, service, and a concern for justice are the imperative expressions of our divine worship.

    Call to Prayer, Call to Action

    What Judaism means and will come to mean follows from the choices we make today. Our acts, as Jews, promote or defeat the crucial purpose of Judaism—to maintain a potent, living, intimate relationship to a divine force that tears through the universe busily promoting transformation. The call of this presence, as I experience it sitting here at my desk, is towards community and action, to the awareness that if we can't do everything we can still do something. We can clarify our vision. There is no reason we must continue to live either in survivor's guilt or in a sense of our inevitable victimization as Jews. We need not take refuge in an entitlement to violence or a remorseless emphasis upon our suffering. We can see the world as it is, not as it was or as we hope or fear it might be. We can enlarge our sense of Jewish identity to include both vulnerability and aggression. We do not have to be blind. We can see and we can act.

    If we don't happen to be the people called to Ramallah we are certainly the people who can join the long march to social justice. We can:

  • take on the conservative policies of the established Jewish institutions
  • incessantly pester the White House and Congress to intervene in the Middle East
  • join organizations that support a Judaism of radical commitment to social justice.

    Challenge, pester, join—they do not seem to have the epic scope required by events that involve so much suffering and death. But it would be a mistake to diminish their significance. They stand well within the radical challenge the prophets have always made to the conservative Jewish establishment; they direct themselves, against all odds, toward formidable obstacles and will require the staying power of a visionary, activist community. These commitments, in our time, in a world in crisis, must be recognized as an essential form of Jewish prayer.

    But are we, as a people, still capable of prayer? How will we manage to pray, we who have just seen this:

    Wednesday, June 19, 2002. 7:10 am. Eyewitness. Fifteen-year-old girl: People coming apart o my god right in front of us all over the place. O my god, o my god. Mama gets out of our car. Mama steps on a finger. Let's get out of here Mama, let's go, let's run, let's get away. If you walk in the street you will fall, you will slip in the blood, Mama says we have to help them, Mama says never take the bus, walk everywhere we have to go. Could happen, any day, any minute, look around, look over your shoulder, keep an eye out. That's me, screaming no no no no no no no. That's me shouting get them, get them, make them stop, do something, kill all of them….

    We who have just seen, who know, who have witnessed, if we are to pray, we will have to call upon the highest development of our Jewish God, evoking the compassion of the Shechinah and the traditional female abhorrence for violence. We will have to imagine the midrashim that will, in time, inevitably be told to our ethical God about the struggles between Israel and Palestine. In this crisis we need a divine presence who is still talking to us and is closely in touch with the contemporary world of our people, so that, when we are able to pray, our prayers might sound like this:

    Make it possible for us not to seek vengeance. Help us to find the way that is not the way of violence. Teach us to grieve without turning into those who have brought us to grief. Help us to remember the innocence of the innocent. Teach us to remember ourselves, a holy people. If compassion is not possible for us, If love is not possible for us, Teach us not to hate."

    Kim is a co founder of this website

    Edgework

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    Comments

    1. by doron
      Thu Dec 02, 2004 5:33 am
      Very insightful. I have many Jewish friends and a wife who suffer from exactly the type of blindness she describes, springing from the same root fear of annihilation and persecution.

      ---
      Doron Dekel (www.worldgov.info)

    2. Thu Dec 02, 2004 6:02 am
      I thought it was the Fracophones who falsely feared annihilation and persecution.


      Oh ho ho. :)

    3. Thu Dec 02, 2004 12:54 pm
      What an insipid and off topic response to a good article I will presume you didn't even bother reading.

    4. Thu Dec 02, 2004 3:36 pm
      'The Jews' as a group certainly cannot be faulted for a lack of introspection - other religious groups could learn from the tolerance they have for each other's opinions. Catholics and especially Muslims seem forced to toe the party line a little stronger.

      Anyhow - the author cannot also deny that the Arabs have vowed time and time again to 'push the Jews into the sea'. The recently departed Arafat never wavered from this goal in reality, even though he may have at times talked a good game.

      So giving the Arabs in peace what they could not win in war is a leap of faith that is too much to ask of anyone, it seems like asking Jews to commit suicide in order to make the world a better place - maybe that is not accurate, but given present conditions, it's not fair to ask anyone to take that sort of chance.

    5. Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:54 pm
      I will dare to go of topic as well
      7 Pillars of Canadian Nationalist Fear

      1. A conviction that Canada (culture, values, citizens) is always in danger, always has been, and therefore is in danger now. Which leads to:
      2. The insistence that a criticism is an attack and will lead to our destruction.( we can even view not being mentioned or included as a threat) Which is rooted in:
      3. The supposition that any negativity towards Canadians (or Canada) is a sign of American bullying and will (again, inevitably) lead to our destruction. Which is enhanced by:
      4. Feelings of inadequacy, envy and guilt. Which contains within itself:
      5. A hidden belief that we can change the present. Which holds:
      6. An even more hidden belief that a sufficient amount of whining confers the right to absurd conspiracy theories. Which finally brings us to:
      7. The conviction that our beliefs, our ideology (or theology), matter more than the lives of other human beings.

    6. Thu Dec 02, 2004 6:48 pm
      Does this make sense? I dont feel this way at all and im a proud canadian.

      ---
      "If we don't define ourselves, we are going to let others define us."

    7. by gula
      Thu Dec 02, 2004 6:59 pm
      Great article. I can now understand much better how and why some of my Jewish acquaintances come to conclusions that to me seem totally incomprehensible. Bookmarked for re-reading.

    8. Thu Dec 02, 2004 7:31 pm
      Exactly the point. Our Jewish neighbours don't buy this seven pillar malarkey either. It should be viewed as a racist diatribe.

    9. by avatar Milton
      Fri Dec 03, 2004 4:29 am
      The Hidden History of Zionism By Ralph Schoenman <p>You can read this book here: <a href="http://takingaim.info/hhz/index.htm">Taking Aim</a>. Here is an excerpt from Chapter 1: The Four Myths <p>"It is not accidental that when anyone attempts to examine the nature of Zionism – its origins, history and dynamics – they meet with people who terrorize or threaten them. Quite recently, after mentioning a meeting on the plight of the Palestinian people during an interview on KPFK, a Los Angeles radio station, the organizers of the public meeting were deluged with bomb threats from anonymous callers. <p>Nor is it easy in the United States or Western Europe to disseminate information about the nature of Zionism or to analyze the specific events which denote Zionism as a political movement. Even the announcement on university campuses of authorized forums or meetings on the subject invariably engenders a campaign designed to close off discussion. Posters are torn down as fast as they are put up. Meetings are packed by flying squads of Zionist youth who seek to break them up. Literature tables are vandalized and leaflets and articles appear accusing the speaker of anti-Semitism or, in the case of those of Jewish origin, of self-hatred. <p>Vindictiveness and slander are so universally meted out to anti-Zionists because the disparity between the official fiction about Zionism and the Israeli state, on the one hand, and the barbarous practice of this colonial ideology and coercive apparatus, on the other, is so vast. People are in shock when they have an opportunity to hear or read about the century of persecution suffered by the Palestinians, and, thus, the apologists for Zionism are relentless in seeking to prevent coherent, dispassionate examination of the virulent and chauvinist record of the Zionist movement and of the state which embodies its values. <p>The irony of this is that when we study what the Zionists have written and said – particularly when addressing themselves – no doubt remains about what they have done or of their place in the political spectrum, dating from the last quarter of the 19th century to the present day. <p>Four overriding myths have shaped the consciousness of most people in our society about Zionism." <p> Mr Schoenman then exposes what has been going on in our heads and hearts. He uncovers the history, shows what the plans were and are. <p>It always amazes me to find that there are people willing to speak the truth regardless of the risk to themselves.

    10. by bmac
      Fri Dec 03, 2004 5:17 am
      I am not sure how much credence I can take from an author that proposes " The third myth is that of “security” as the motor force of Israeli foreign policy. Zionists maintain that their state must be the fourth largest military power in the world because Israel has been forced to defend itself against imminent menace from primitive, hate-consumed Arab masses only recently dropped from the trees.

      The fourth myth is that of Zionism as the moral legatee of the victims of the Holocaust. This is at once the most pervasive and insidious of the myths about Zionism. Ideologues for the Zionist movement have wrapped themselves in the collective shroud of the six million Jews who fell victim to Nazi mass murder. The bitter and cruel irony of this false claim is that the Zionist movement itself actively colluded with Nazism from its inception.

      To most people it appears anomalous that the Zionist movement, which forever invokes the horror of the Holocaust, should have collaborated actively with the most vicious enemy ever faced by the Jews. The record, however, reveals not merely common interests but a deep ideological affinity rooted in the extreme chauvinism which they share."

      This seems like shades of Jim Keegstra, Ernst Zundel and their ilk. The first step is to make them complicit, then blame them, then eliminate them. This practice goes back 100s of years before the Holocaust, I would have some justifiable reservations about security,defense and watching my 'enemy' if that was my history.

    11. by avatar Milton
      Fri Dec 03, 2004 5:51 am
      Try reading the whole story. Things are not as they seem. Don't drag Zundel and Keegstra into Schoenman's argument. <p>I am not asking you to believe, just search for the truth. Here is something else you may not be aware of: <p>Schoenman is not saying that the holocaust didn't happen, he is saying that it didn't happen in the way we were told it did.

    12. by doron
      Fri Dec 03, 2004 5:56 am
      I believe the author does not address the issue of whether there was, or is, a real threat to the lives of Jews in Israel, but, rather, whether the perception of threat amongst Jews is vastly amplified to the point of causing decisions to be made based on patently distorted and highly selective reading of past and present situations.

      The overriding motivation behind Zionism was the creation of a safe haven for Jews. The simple reality is that Israel is the only place in the world where Jews' life and limb are under constant threat because they are Jews. There isn't a single other country in the world were so many Jews have been killed and maimed. Not even close. There isn't a another country where Jews live under such a degree of constant fear and moral ambivalence.

      So Zionism, at least so far, is a failure, even by its own criteria. Furthermore, it has generated, directly or indirectly, immense suffering amongst millions of non-Jews, from the displaced Palestinians to the innocents murdered in related acts of terror, such as the toppling of the twin towers in NYC (read the 9-11 commission report to see to what degree anti-Zionism fueled those Al-Queda operatives responsible).

      Were the negative results foreseeable? Were they avoidable? Were the psychological distortions described in the article responsible for the short-sightedness of Zionist decision-making?
      In my mind, the answers are all positive (with some qualifications).


      ---
      Doron Dekel (www.worldgov.info)

    13. Fri Dec 03, 2004 10:52 am
      Until the Middle East became a hot bed of activity with the US invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan I only knew what I saw on the news *nightly* about the suicide bombings and the endless conflict back and forth taking the place of the endless conflict that was finally coming to a close in Ireland. I used to comment, "My God, what's with all these religous people that are constantly killing and fighting with each other, what's the matter with the world?"

      I had heard the word "Zion", but never "Zionists". I don't even know if I have had friends or co-workers that were Jewish? This conflict and this history had never touched my life other than through the media. I don't even know if the news was discussing Zionists? I can't recall that. I don't think they do now even? I just thought of it as another religious war that I have no sympathy with as I find religions no better than cults and brainwashing control systems. And, religions have often been one of the worst instigators of wars.

      But once I started really listening and paying attention to what was being said and how Israel was being defended and what kind of people were defending her, I never realized how very hateful they were. I found myself thinking if you are a friend of Israel, then she needs no enemies. I found myself not liking the people defending Israel. And this is from a place of just trying to take in knowledge and understanding, from a place of complete ignorance really. But the people that were siding with Israel's position of wall building and attacking with heavy military against the Palestinians were not people I felt held any compassion in their hearts, not even for themselves. They felt to me to be consumed with hate and fear.

      I can not understand why anyone would move to Israel if they were Jewish? This is not a place I see as a friend to Jews. There is something far more sinister going on in Israel and it is not in my opinon about making a safe haven and a homeland for the Jewish people. I say, Jewish people, stay away from Israel! I think you are being used to control the world for some very ugly agenda. Only my feelings here, I have no proof.

    14. Fri Dec 03, 2004 6:22 pm
      The Arabs vowed to push the Israelis into the sea because
      it's exactly what the Zionists did: push a hundred
      thousand Palestinians into the sea at Jaffa in May 1948.
      It would only be fair.



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